Showing posts with label Original (Article/Essay). Show all posts
Showing posts with label Original (Article/Essay). Show all posts

8/31/2015

California Scholars Rally Against Japan’s Proposed Security-related Bills on Aug. 27, 2015


A wave of protest is brewing at home and abroad. According to the Association of Scholars Opposed to the Security-related Bills (ASOSB), a large number of scholars from over 100 universities both in Japan and overseas have released statements against the government-sponsored security bills now under deliberation in the Diet. One call to action was issued on August 27 by Keiko Yamanaka, a scholar at University of California, Berkley, and some others based at UCB/UCD asking for people in California was to join hands in protest against the bills. ASOSB is calling for broader support and signatures on a petition available on their website.

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As scholars deeply concerned about Japan’s constitutionalism and its future, we declare our strong opposition to the so-called security-related bills that were passed by Japan’s Lower House on July 16, 2015. Proposed by the Abe government, these so-called security-related bills consist of 1) the International Peace Security Bill, and 2) the omnibus Peace and Security Legislation Consolidation Bill that amends 10 war-related laws. If passed by the Upper House this September, these bills would allow the Japanese government to send Japan’s Self-Defense Forces to cooperate with overseas military operations conducted by other countries. Many scholars of constitutional law have pointed out that these security-related bills are clearly in violation of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. By joining the efforts of the Association of Scholars Opposed to the Security-related Bills (http://anti-security-related-bill.jp/images/link_california.pdf), we not only express our opposition to the Bills, but also urge other concerned scholars in California to voice their views. Please note that we are a group of scholars based in California who have chosen to express our opposition to the Security-Related Bills in Japan as individuals (See the next page for the list of signatories). The opinions expressed in this statement are those of the individuals, and they do not represent the views of the organizations and/or institutions of their affiliations. If you agree to sign this appeal, please contact one of the following: • Keiko Yamanaka (keikoyamanaka7[at]gmail.com) • Byung-Kwang Yoo (yoobk15[at]gmail.com) • Junko Habu (habujunko[at]gmail.com). In your message, please include the following information.

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1. I agree to publicize the following information about myself 
  (Please check one of the boxes below):
   [      ] Name, academic discipline, title, department and university
   [      ] Name only
   [      ] None
2. Your Name:
3. Academic Discipline:
4. Title:
5. Department and University:
6. Date:
7. Comments (Optional):


See also a feature article (Call for Support: Sign the Appeal against the Security-Related Bills) on the W-WAN website.



Posted by Naoko Uchibori

8/03/2015

Speech by Mana Shibata, SEALDs

Speech by Mana Shibata 
SEALDs (Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy)
Tokyo, Friday, July 24, 2015

Good evening. I am Mana Shibata, a college junior.
I am here to read a letter I wrote to Mr. Shinzo Abe.

Dear Mr. Abe, I am filled with deep rage and despair toward you.
Your forced passage of the security legislation at the Special Committee in the Lower House could be called a coup d’etat. In Okinawa, you have set residents against each other and proceeded with the construction of a new base. In Kagoshima, you are preparing to restart the Sennai nuclear plant without sufficiently explaining your safety policy.

In northeast Japan, there are still many people who have been living in temporary shelters for more than four years. Can you really call this “our beautiful nation Japan”?

America builds bases all over the world “for freedom and democracy,” occupies conflict regions, threatens the lives of civilians, and ever since 9/11 has been repeatedly murdering people indiscriminately in its “war on terror.”

When Kenji Goto was killed, I remember how frightened I became, wondering whether Japan would start a war on terror like America.
But Japan did not take that path then, and it must not take it now.

As a nation who has suffered atomic bombing, as a nation which does not have a military force, as a nation which has Article 9 in its Constitution, we have the responsibility to think seriously about peace and continue peacebuilding. With the Constitution of Japan, we pledged that we would not repeat the experience of 70 years ago.

I do not need a future that depends on military force. A peace based on killing, I do not call peace. Someday I hope to give birth to my own children and raise them. But I do not have the confidence to raise children in our current society.

Mr. Abe, can you wipe away my fears? Can you call this a society where parents can feel secure raising their children? Can you promise the children of Fukushima a safe and healthy future? Can you return an island without bases to the grandfathers and grandmothers of Okinawa?

I am standing here now raising my voice because I want Japan to be a country that seeks peace and promotes it throughout the world when my children are born. I want to make this a society where we think about the future, cherish life, learn from previous generations. A society where it is common sense to value such common sense.

To me, peace is little pieces of happiness like returning after school to a home where my mother is waiting for me with dinner ready; seeing a baby in a stroller laugh, opening its mouth so wide I can see it still doesn’t have any teeth; calling my grandmother to say thank you for sending me money for my education; listening to music on the train that someone special told me about. That’s the kind of daily life I want to protect.

The current government, unable to protect the Constitution, says there is no other way, and tries to affirm the Abe administration. How can the government of such a country, which so casually violates its own Constitution, be a peacemaker in international society?

I truly cannot understand how people can behave so childishly in Diet sessions; compare war to a neighborhood fire; bury beautiful Oura Bay. I do not feel the tiniest bit of intelligence or compassion in a single one of your words or actions. I only feel that you are insulting me as a citizen of this country.

Mr. Abe, I can no longer leave the government of our country up to you. I want a democratic and peaceful tomorrow where every individual is valued. I don’t want to create such a tomorrow with you. I don’t think I can.

The view I see before me here gives me hope. I wish you would stand here and see it. The faces of the people who are taking action because they seriously care about this country’s future are full of strength and hope, surely tens of times more than the faces you see every day in Nagatacho.

Neither democracy nor the future of this nation are in your hands. They are to be won by those of us here.
July 24, 2015. I call on you to dissolve the Abe administration.


Original speech video is available in Japanese:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WDbAd1CSDDk
and translated by Gerry Yokota, collaborator.

Posted by Shin Yamaaki



8/01/2015

Japanese Youths Crying out for Democracy and Peace: SEALDs

Cries of fury are reverberating in front of the National Diet Building in Tokyo, as protesters demonstrate against Prime Minister Abe's security bills that would allow the Japanese self-defense force to fight overseas for the first time since WWII. Leading the protest every Friday evening is a youth group called Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy (SEALDs), whose presence has drawn much attention from the media:

"Students protest planned security legislation in front of Diet," Asahi Shimbun.


"Youth Rising Against the Security Bills," Pressenza.

“Campaign group SEALDs hooking Japan’s youth with jazzy placards, fliers,” Japan Times


"A political turning point for Japan's youth," Japan Times.

"SEALDs student group reinvigorates Japan’s anti-war protest movement," Japan Times.


Image from SEALDs' website
Here are a few examples of how some of the young, hip protesters are expressing themselves at demonstrations. 

Beniko, a twenty-four-year-old shop clerk and a member of SEALDs, spoke to 1,000 protesters on June 12, 2015:

“Last year, I never thought I would take part in such demonstrations; nor had I ever imagined myself making a public speech like this. Along the way, I’ve had bitter experiences; some of my friends left me. Some people said I had changed, and some thought I was annoying. But I have always been like this, speaking out when I feel something is wrong. Sounding off when it doesn’t feel right. That should be a standard way of engaging in the politics. 

“Today, before I came here, I bought a bikini and I’m still contemplating when to put on my new fake lashes for summer. It should be normal that people like me, fussing over swimsuits and makeup, stand up and be counted in the politics. That should be regarded as a standard. Till the day comes, I will continue to stand up and make myself heard.” 

On July 15, 2015 in Osaka, Tomoka made a speech at the SEALDs KANSAI demonstration that touched many across the nation:

“I cannot bring back the lives that are lost in battles. I cannot rebuild the cities that are destroyed by air raids. I cannot take responsibility for the future of the children who are injured by the arms produced by Japanese companies. I cannot heal even a slightest bit of the sorrow caused by the loss of families. I cannot gloss over what I cannot account for, like Prime Minister Abe does when he uses terms such as "absolutely" and "I promise." Mr. Abe, our Constitution prohibits the use of arms and does not allow your dictatorship. If you continue to neglect the principles of the people’s sovereignty, a fundamental human right, and pacifism, you are no longer our prime minister.

“As long as our democracy exists, we have the right to drag you down from the seat of authority. We have the power. You will resign this summer, and next year, for the seventy-first time, we will celebrate another year of peace.”  

The following week in Tokyo, Mana Shibata, a college junior, echoed her voice in front of 70,000 protesters:

“Prime Minister Abe, can you possibly erase my worries? Can you provide a future free from health concerns for children in Fukushima? Can you give back base-free lands to grandmas and grandpas in Okinawa? Can you possibly turn this country into a place where people hope to bring up their children? We can no longer trust our future in you.

“As I speak, the view from here makes me full of hope. Mr. Abe, come and join me. The faces lining up here are much more determined and hopeful than those that you are used to seeing.”

Photos and videos of demonstrations are available at: https://twitter.com/SEALDs_jpn (in Japanese) and https://twitter.com/sealds_eng (in English).


Text by Aya Kitamura

4/30/2015

The Widening Gap between Increasing Criticism and Growing Ignorance (2)

Absurdity in the Sankei’s Campaign and the Asahi-Bashing

Urgent Symposium for the Final Solution of the Comfort Women Issue Held in Tokyo



On April 23, 2015, the South Korean and Japanese organizations who have been working to resolve the comfort women issue jointly held an “urgent” symposium and press conference at the House of Councillors assembly hall in Tokyo, in order to reiterate a new proposal before Prime Minister ABE Shintaro visited America.

In her speech at the symposium, Kim Bok-dong (90 years old), a former comfort woman, asked Abe to “change his mind and acknowledge the past mistakes” as it is “the only way for South Korea and Japan to live together in harmony.”




Based on a great many materials discovered after the 1993 Statement, which will be described later, the two groups had proposed that the Japanese government should admit the imperial army’s involvement in building, administering and controlling the rape centers, euphemistically called “the comfort stations,” as military facilities. On the basis of these admissions, the government was urged to make an irreversible apology, to compensate the former comfort women to prove the sincerity of the apology. 


This new proposal was submitted to the government in June, 2014, but Abe administration has not taken note of it.


The representatives of the two groups, Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan and Japan Action for Resolution of the “Comfort Women” Issue, also stressed at the symposium that the new and modest proposal would be achievable as it incorporated the wishes of the former comfort women themselves. On the other hand, the proposal replaced the term “legal responsibility” - a term that the Japanese government had rejected - with the concrete measures that Japan would have to take.
Now the ball is in the hands of Abe, who is visiting the United States.


Most of the Japanese TV news feature his speech at the joint session of US Congress as he was apparently welcome by the American political and military leaders as a reliable and obedient partner. But it should not be neglected that his emotive speech expressed sympathy or regret in general but, as one of the English media described, it  “gave little sense that any part of Japan’s wartime history required a special reckoning” and “offered no direct apology” when his “conservative nationalism causes unease in northeast Asia and occasionally in Washington.”



Kono Statement in 1993 and its Bashing in 2014



In the first part of this essay (posted on March 31) , I mentioned about Prime Minister ABE Shinzo’s various approaches to control the mass media under his “departure from the post-war regime” policy. In the second part, I would like to focus on the Sankei and the Asahi in terms of the reviews and verifications about the comfort women issue and their consequences .

As Prime Minister Abe intended to “verify” the Kono Statement, which was announced by the former Chief Cabinet Secretary KONO Yohei in 1993, the statement has been harshly criticized by the conservative medeia as well as online based right-wingers since it admitted the Japanese military’s involvement in operating the military brothels during the war time and expressed apologies to the former comfort women. 
In the wake of such Kono-bashing, the Sankei staged its own campaign by launching the two series of articles, “History War 1: the Crime of the Kono Statement” (April 1-5, 2014) and “History War 2: the Beginning of the Comfort Women Issue” (May 20-25, 2014).


Before reviewing the articles in question, let me list up the events after a South Korean professor YOON Jung-ok initiated her research on, and interview of, the former comfort women around 1990:

In August, 1991, Ms. KIM Hak-sun came out to tell her experience as a comfort woman by using her real name;
In January, 1992, Professor YOSHIMI Yoshiaki of Chuo University discovered a relevant document that suggested the Japanese military’s involvement in the comfort women system in the library of the National Institute for Defense Studies;
Before Yoshimi’s finding was exposed by the Asahi, the Japanese government had conducted its research and announced its report in July, 1992, acknowledging the Japanese military’s involvement;
On August 10 and 11, 1992, the first Asian Solidarity Conference was held in Seoul Korea;
In August, 1993, the Kono Statement was released.


Serious Errors in the Sankei’s Campaign against the Kono Statement



On May 25, 2014, in the last articles of the above-mentioned comfort women series, the Sankei went too far in its attempt to create a story about the first Asian Solidarity Conference, a predecessor of the present Asian Solidarity Conference for the Issue of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan. Judging from the headlines, the readers would be led to believe that during this particular conference held in Seoul in 1992, the former comfort women were directed by some Japanese instigators to single out Japan as the responsible for their sufferings, thus paving the way to the Kono Statement. 



The article quoted Ms.TACHI Masako (87 years old) as a direct participant of the 1992 conference as follows: the former comfort women dressed in chima jeogori, a traditional Korean costume, were instructed beforehand by some Japanese participants to parrot the suggested phrases during the conference. Allegedly, Thai and Taiwanese women were even told to be quiet as they spoke stories sympathetic to Japan. Ms. Tachi was also quoted to say “The conference was the starting point for spreading a bad reputation of Japan.”



And yet, the photograph which appeared on the newspaper to endorse her arguments turned out to be wrong. The error was  obvious as the letters on the photo showed that it was taken at a different meeting of the surviving families of the Pacific War victims in South Korea. It was not difficult at all to find the right picture of the first Asian Solidarity Conference which clearly showed all the women plainly dressed in Western summer wear as well as a big banner on which there was the title, venue and period of the conference.





It was clear that the story the Sankei attempted to frame was totally failed. Two of the relevant groups, the executive committee of the 12th Asian Solidarity Conference and Japan Action for Resolution of the “Comfort Women” Issue, sent a written request to the Sankei on August 6, 2014 to urge it to correct the five errors in the articles of May 25 .




As of September 19, the Sankei responded by notifying two corrections in a small frame on the paper failing to deliver any apologies. And in its reply to the correction request dated September 18, the Sankei explained that it recognized Ms. Tachi’s arguments as facts since they were based on her own experiences.

If so, such rule should be adapted to the narratives of the former comfort women. It is widely acknowledged that the stigmatized experience is hard to be narrated and what is spoken out in spite of all the difficulties and pressures has a very good reason to be believed in its mainstay.

In contrast, the Sankei’s blunder was assumingly caused by its ill-advised attempt to take advantage of an individual’s memory and her subjective meaning she attached to it for the purpose of a political “verification,” rather than for understanding her experience in its individuality.

Nonetheless, the misleading story was in turn consumed and reproduced by those who took advantages by doing that. The individual experience regarded by the Sankei as facts was also quoted by a magazine called Weekly Shincho of July 3, 2014, for framing another story to name FUKUSHIMA Mizuho, the former leader of the Social Democratic Party, as an instigator.





Asahi’s Verification and Its Significance


It took some 3 months until the two groups prepared the correction request. They instantly noticed the errors, but as they were extremely busy before and after the 12th Asian Solidarity Conference, they were unable to send the request to the Sankei before August 6.

Incidentally, on August 5 and 6, 2014, the Asahi spared the special section to verify how the comfort women issue was taken  and developed. They included the Asahi’s responses to a number of questions that would be asked by its readers as well as the Japanese leading paper’s stance toward the controversial issue.

The Asahi was repeatedly criticized since the Prime Minister Abe stated in the end of November, 
2012, that because of the Asahi’s misinformation, a fraudulent man named YOSHIDA Seiji wrote a book and it was distributed  throughout Japan, becoming a big issue as if it were a true story. And while the Abe administration “verified” the production process of the 1993 Kono statement and issued a report in June, 2014, the Asahi was groundlessly blamed by not a few commentators and online right-wingers for inventing the comfort women issue. 
Personal attacks to its staff writer Mr.UEMURA Takashi, who happened to report about Ms. KIM Hak-sun for the first time in Japan, escalated to a terroristic level.


A single most justifiable reason, if there is any, for the Asahi to become a target of the revisionists seems to be its unchanged commitment to historical issues as was found in the following statements in the article: “The point in question is that the women were deprived of freedom and had their dignity violated in comfort stations which could never be established without the military’s involvement,” and “the Asahi has been reporting about the comfort women issue and our awareness of the issue still remain unchanged.”

Cool-headed readers of the feature pages would find just few problems that are serious enough to be attacked or blamed. The Asahi re-examined their news gathering and belatedly withdrew some incorrect writings concerning Mr. Yoshida’s story. But as a matter of fact the story had been discredited long before as a result of both academic and nonacademic researches. Neither his testimony nor the Asahi’s reports of it made the comfort women issue unfavorable to Japan, causing bilateral or international problems.



In a symposium held on April 5, 2015, to consider the comfort women issue as well as the Japanese society and media through the Asahi issue, Professor HAYASHI Kaori of the University of Tokyo reported the result of the contents analysis of the overseas media.  She conducted it as the only female member of the Asahi Third-party Panel. According to her findings, “comfort women” were most frequently referred to in relation with the Prime Minister Abe’s own comments, not with the Yoshida testimony or the Asahi’s report. Abe has turned out to be the one who keeps attracting the overseas media in a negative way, adversely affecting his government’s efforts.





Written by FUKUOKA A. A.


3/31/2015

The Widening Gap between Increasing Criticism and Growing Ignorance (1)

Prime Minister Abe’s Unsuccessful Efforts to Whitewash Japanese Wartime Atrocities


For the past several weeks, I have had some English articles sent, forwarded, or referred to by my friends or via SNS.  
All of them were about atrocities the Japanese Imperial Army committed. I would like to review them to express my particular concerns about the widening gap between rising criticism about Japanese government’s attitude toward the comfort women issues  in the English media and growing ignorance of those global concerns in the Japanese media.

This situation was triggered by the Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s comment at the budget committee meeting in the Diet on January 29, 2015. The Japan Times, the oldest English newspaper in Japan, immediately reported about his pledge to increase efforts to alter views abroad on Japan’s actions in World War II by disseminating the “correct” view.
The New York Times followed the very next day: “He (Abe) singled out a high school history textbook published by McGraw-Hill Education that he said contained the sort of negative portrayals that Japan must do more combat.” Quoting the Japan Times, the article illustrated how Abe “was shocked” and regrettable that “we did not protest the things we should have, or we failed to correct the things we should have.”

In fact, as Kyodo reported in November 2014, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Japan requested the publisher to correct the depiction of “comfort women” in the book. More recent articles have revealed that McGraw-Hill rejected the Ministry’s request and defended its writers. For instance, according to the Bloomberg news on January 30, 2015 JST, the publisher replied to Bloomberg’s question in an e-mail, “Scholars are aligned behind the historical fact of ‘comfort women’ ” and “we unequivocally stand behind the writing, research and presentation of our authors,” as was quoted in other English media.


On February 9, 2015, the Japan Times referred to Abe’s comment again, in its article about U.S. based historians’ protest against his attempt to suppress statements in U.S. and Japanese history textbooks about the comfort women. It quoted their letter to the editor in the March edition of “Perspectives on History,” the American Historical Association’s journal:
…… the careful research in Japan, especially by (Chuo University professor) Yoshiaki Yoshimi, of Japanese government archives and the testimonials throughout Asia have rendered beyond dispute the essential features of a system that amounted to state-sponsored slavery.”

The group even warns that Abe and his allies are on a quest to eliminate references to the issue in textbooks. The fact is that in Japan the high school textbooks referred to the comfort women in 1995 mostly had such references eliminated by 2005. This kind of changes are likely to prevail in Japan as a result of active efforts of Abe and his allies to promote a peaceful image of post-war Japan by whitewashing the brutal history during the war.


As part of such efforts, Abe has been expanding his contacts with the mass media since his second inauguration in December, 2012. He spent more time on meeting with the leaders of the press and sent more people of his preferred choice to the influential posts in the related organizations and committees. One of the most notorious examples is the Chairman Katsuto Momii of NHK, Japan’s major public broadcaster. In his response to a question about the comfort women at his first press conference, Momii said that such an institution existed in “every country” and that it is only considered wrong by “today’s morality.”

“Everyone else was doing it,” or “it belongs to the past you cannot judge by today’s morality” is a typical way to evade responsibility for what was done and cannot be undone. “Let bygones be bygones” has been a widely accepted sentiment or even a virtue for the Japanese to maintain a harmony in an isolated society. We should realize that they are far from acceptable in the international community.

Rather than contributing to raising an awareness of or knowledge building for that matter, some Japanese and South Korean media have been provoking nationalistic fervor against each other. On both sides of the national boarders, more and more hatred have been voiced, making decent people sick of the fanatical and negative acceleration.



As a positive result, however, alternative media are highly motivated now to reach out to those people, providing them new perspectives while conservatives are reproducing typical denying narratives. The Japan Times’ article of March 4, 2015 showed a reflection of one of those new and valuable perspectives yet to be a mainstream in Japan. The article written by a freelance journalist KIMURA Kayoko raises a question, “Why do so few people in Japan make the link between the wider issue of sexual violence in conflict and the comfort women?” One explanation she provided was that the issue was depicted as a purely diplomatic matter between Japan and South Korea.

As she reiterated, it was when three Korean women filed a suit in Japan in December 1991 when the comfort women issue became public. They, not only charged the Japanese government with the wartime crime, but also channeled the shame they experienced for a half a century into a fundamental human rights. In the 1990s, the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda recognized rape and other forms of sexual violence as breaches of international law. And in the 2000s, “preventing sexual violence in conflict became a global human-rights and security concern.”


Prime Minister Abe stressed in his policy speech to the 189th Session of the Diet in February, 2015: “we will work to ensure that the 21st century is one in which there will be no human rights violations against women.” But those nice words, as well as “a world in which all women shine,” or “Japan will never give in to terrorism,” merely sound evasive and meaningless if he never listens to the specific women who have been appealing to the Japanese government or if his government has no effective means for dialogue with other countries concerned. In this regard, he represents the Japanese majority who neglect to make the link between the wider issue of sexual violence in conflict and the comfort women.

In contrast, it is the most significant that the former comfort women and their supporters have been developing global and contemporary perspectives. In part two of this essay, I would like to illustrate how they are linked with the women currently suffering violence in conflict and how these significant perspectives are lost in the comfort women discourse in Japan, taking examples of the misleading descriptions of the Asahi and the Sankei, Japanese newspapers representing the liberal and the conservative respectively.   

Written by FUKUOKA A. A.

3/24/2015

March 22 National Rally Voiced “No!” to Abe Administration




About 14,000 people gathered in Hibiya Park, Tokyo, on Sunday March 22, and marched around the National Diet Building and the prime minister 's official residence.

They demonstrated against Shinzo Abe's major policies over rights to collective self-defense, nuclear reactors restart, new U.S. military base in Henoko, Okinawa, and Act on the Protection of Specially Designated Secrecy and so on as was indicated by a variety of boards they held.







The rally was organized by the Metropolitan Coalition against Nukes and participated by a variety of people both young and old. The speakers on the stage included a 16-year-old high school girl, who believes in Japan’s pacifist constitution and a 20-year-old college student, who is an active member of Students Urgent Action for Freedom and Democracy.






On the same day, Abe attended a graduate ceremony in a defense university in Yokosuka, Kanagawa Prefecture to express the government’s resolution to promote the right to collective defense.
He has been accelerating his moves to legally dispatch Japan’s Self Defense Forces (SDF) overseas. His coalition government has just reached a formal agreement on the outline of security legislation that would expand the scope of overseas operations by the SDF troops, marking another step toward the most drastic changes to Japan's postwar security stance.








The demonstrations in Hibiya and other parts of Tokyo represented people’s earnest concerns about such right-leaning politics of Abe. He was quoted as saying "the absurd remarks are irresponsible and instigating anxiety," but it is his hawkish maneuver and unjust reinterpretation of the constitution that make an increasing number of people anxious about their future. The irresponsible prime minister apparently fail to pay due respect to his own country’s supreme law.







https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lav1VxcIbUI
Written by FUKUOKA A.A.



12/30/2013

Current Concept of Worldwide Women’s Action Network (W-WAN)


The Worldwide Women’s Action Network (W-WAN) has started an English-language blog  (http://worldwide-wan.blogspot.com/ ) since September 2011.  

The launch of this project was summer 2010 when I got an email from the current Chief Director of Women’s Action Network (WAN), Chizuko Ueno.  She wrote, “I want to make an English version of WAN.  I want to get non-Japanese speakers to know that, in Japan, there is a unique website like WAN.” 

I found it meaningful and promising.  I was curious, too.  I was working on an interesting translation project at that time, through which I recognized a trend to transmit voices in Japan beyond Japanese-speaking world via English.  So, in reply to her I said, “Okay, let’s try.”


We called our new-born project as English WAN (E-WAN) at first.  Yet, two months later, fall in 2011, we decided to change it into Worldwide-WAN (W-WAN).  Why?


At the very first meeting for the project, I murmured, “Our objective is to deliver Japanese women’s voices beyond Japanese-speaking world, in other words, give voice to Japanese women who are almost voiceless now in English-speaking world.  And simply for this, we would employ English language to make a blog because it is the dominant language in the today’s world.  In a way, I’m not very comfortable to call it English WAN.” 

Agreeing with me in full flood, Ueno started to explore alternative ideas.  By the time the meeting was over, we decided to name it Worldwide WAN instead of English.


Using English language, which is for the overdog in large part from global and historical perspectives, we deliver Japanese women’s voices who try to connect via WAN, that is, voices of the underdog who need to be connected.  

Although joined by skillful members using English language for work in some way, we never go for native speakers English.  Our priority is not given to become or copy the overdog.

To create and deliver voices which would be unheard if letting it lie, we now take others’ language and embark on this challenging project – for even further sisterhood between the strong and the weak divided by the past and current world order.  We would be pleased if you could understand our concept and goal, hear the voice, and cooperate in sharing it. 


Originally written in Japanese in December 2011, and then written in English in December 2013 by Shin Yamaaki, W-WAN founding chief.